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I will be coming back to your blog for more soon. I still believe that it's very important to use folk music and music of the masters. However, my thinking shifted a bit after some lively discussions with colleagues and some soul searching.

Here's why I've used pop music recently in my classroom and keep reading until the end of the post for some quick ideas to get started!

The most important reason, in my mind, for using pop music at times in the music classroom is to connect music of the past to music of the present.

I once had a discussion with my husband about this. He is by no means a fan of typical pop music—he likes all kinds of somewhat obscure bands like Deer Tick and Wilco and My Morning Jacket—but his argument was this: how are they going to connect the music they learn from you to the music they listen to?

I didn't have an answer then, except that they'd have to do it on their own. But why shouldn't I help that connection?

Wouldn't it help them see the big idea that the music concepts they learn from me happen in ALL music? And isn't that a powerful big idea? Many of us were taught that we should only use the best music a sentiment I completely agree with!

I think the elephant in the room is that many people think that all pop music is bad. In my opinion, that's not true.

A decent amount of pop music is not the best quality, but there are plenty of good pop songs. You just have to find them! Yes, we can argue that pop music is like junk food and they get enough on the radio or on their iPods, but to be relevant, shouldn't we have them listen to a little pop music?

And I don't mean the Beatles although they are probably my favorite band of all time! So if the American Authors, after two years, have lost a teeny bit of relevance, the Beatles don't have very much relevance at all!

I'm just saying that to be relevant to the students' environment and experiences, we should be searching for music that they know and love.

I've heard a few people say that pop music is like the folk music of today but that's a whole other blog post, and probably one that's even more controversial!

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Len Maurice, Leader. Middle Harbour. Children 6d. No, 8 Jetty. When Archbishop Raimundo founded his College of Translators at Toledo, where Dominicus Gundisalvi collaborated with the convert Abraham ben David Johannes Hispalensis , it might have seemed that the preservation of Arabic and Hebrew was secure.

There and then, there could not have occurred such a blunder as that immortal one of the Capuchin, Henricus Seynensis, who lives eternal by mis- taking the Talmud — " Rabbi Talmud " — for a man.

But no Arab work endures. And as with Arab philosophy in Spain, so with the Arabic language : its soul was required of it. Hebrew, indeed, was not forgotten ; and for Arabic,, a revival might be expected during the Crusades.

Nearly two centuries before in a council under Pope Clement V. But the peculiarity of aljamia is that it begot a literature of its own, though, naturally enough, a literature modelled on the Spanish.

Its best production is the Poema de Yusuf; and it may be noted that this, like its much later fellow. So also the Aragonese Morisco, Muhammad Rabadin, writes his cyclic poem in Spanish octosyllabics ; and in his successors there are hendecasyllabics mani- festly imitated from a characteristic Galician measure de gaita gallegd.

The subjects of the textos aljamiados are frankly conveyed from Western sources : the Com- pilation of Alexander y an orientalised version of the French ; the History of the Loves of Paris and Viana, a translation from the Provencal ; and the Maid of Area- yonay based on the Spanish poem Apolonio.

In the Cancionero de Baena appears Mahomat-el-Xartosse, with- out his turban, as a full-fledged Spanish poet ; and the old tradition of servility is continued by an anonymous refugee in Tunis, who shows himself an authority on the plays and the lyric verse of Lope de Vega.

It is therefore erroneous to suppose that the northern Spaniards on their southward march fell in with nume- rous kinsmen, of wider culture and of a higher civilisa- tion, whose everyday speech was unintelligible to them, and who prayed to Christ in the tongue of Muhammad.

Such cases may have occurred, but as the rarest excep- tions. Not less unfounded is the theory that Castilian is a fusion of southern academic Arabic with barbarous northern Latin.

Lastly, it must be borne in mind that the variety of Romance which finally prevailed in Spain was not the speech of the northern highlanders, but that of the MuzArabes of the south and the centre.

In the eighth century this Basque invasion was avenged. The Spaniards, concentrating in the ;! Deriving from the langtic d'ocy Catalan divides into pld Catald and Lemosl — the common speech and the literary tongue.

Vidal de Besalu calls his own Provengal language limosina or lemoziy and the name, taken from his popular treatise Dreita Maneira de TrobaVy was at first limited to literary Provencal ; but endless confusion arises from the fact that when Catalans took to composing, their poems were likewise said to be written in lengua lemosina.

Galician, now little more than a simple dialect, is artifici- ally kept alive by the efforts of patriotic minor poets; but its literary influence is extinct, and the distinguished figures of the province, as Dona Emilia Pardo Bazdn, naturally seek a larger audience by writing in Castilian.

What befell in Italy and France befell in Spain. Partly through political causes, partly by force of superior culture, the language of a single centre ousted its rivals.

As France takes its speech from Paris and the lie de France, as Florence domi- nates Italy, so Castile d ictates her language to all the Spains.

The dominant type, then, of Spanish is the Castilian, which, as the most potent form, has outlived its brethren, and, with trifling variations, now extends, not only over Spain, but as far west as Lima and Val- paraiso, and as far east as the Philippine Islands : in effect, "from China to Peru.

The first allusion to any distinct variety of Romance is found in the life of a certain St. Mummolin who was Bishop of Noyen, succeeding St.

Eloi in A reference to the Spanish type of Romance is found as far back as ; but the authenticity of the docu- ment is very doubtful.

The breaking-up of Latin in Spain is certainly observable in Bishop Odoor's will under the date of The celebrated Strasburg Oaths, the oldest of Romance instruments, belong to the year ; and, in an edict of , Charles the Bald mentions, as a thing apart, "the customary language" — usitato vocabulo — of the Spaniards.

There is, however, no exist- ing Spanish manuscript so ancient, nor is there any monument as old, as the Italian Carta di Capua The Charter called the Fuero de Avilh of which is in bable or Asturian, not Castilian , has long passed for the oldest example of Spanish, on the joint and several authority of Gonzdlez Llanos, Ticknor,.

These intricate questions of authority and ascription may well be left unsettled, for legal documents are but the dry bones of letters.

These, probably, are the jetsam of a cargo of literature which has foundered. Doubtless there were other older, shorter songs or cantares on the Cid's prowess ; there unquestionably were songs upon Bernaldo de Carpio and upon the Infantes de Lara which are rudely preserved in asso- nantic prose passages of the CrSnica General.

At most this is a pious opinion. But in any case the cantilena theory is idle ; for, since no cantilenas exist, no evidence is — or can be — forthcoming to eke out an attractive but unconvincing thesis.

In default of testi- mony and of intrinsic probability, the theory depends solely on bold assertion, and it suffices to say that the cantilena hypothesis is now abandoned by all save a knot of fanatical partisans.

The exploits of the battle-field would, in all likeli- hood, be the first subjects of song ; and the earliest singers of these deeds — gesta — would appear in the chieftain's household.

Odyssey the aoihiyi or professional sin. The trovadores are generally authors ; the juglares are mere executants — singers, declaimers, mimes, or simple mountebanks.

Of these lowlier performers one type has been immortalised in M. But between trovadores and juglares it is not possible to draw a hard-and-fast line : their functions intermingled.

Some few trovadores anticipated Wagner by eight or nine centuries, composing their own music-drama on a lesser scale. In cases of special endowment, the composer of words and music delivered them to the audience.

Subdivisions abounded. There were the juglares or singing-actors, the remendadores or mimes, the cazurros or mutes with duties undefined, resembling those of the intelligent " super.

There were juglares de boca reciters and juglares de pMola musicians. The normal rule was that the juglar recited the trovadores verses ; but, as already said, an occasional trovador Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino, at Seville, in the fifteenth century, is a case in point would declaim his own ballad.

In the juglares hands the original was cut or padded to suit the hearers' taste. He subordinated the verses to the music, and gave them maimed, or arabesqued with estribillos refrains , to fit a popular air.

The commonest arrangement was that the juglar de boca sang the trovador's words, the juglar de pifiola accompanying on some simple instrument, while the remendador gave the story in pantomime.

With the Greeks the minstrel attains at last I an important post in the chieftain's train. Seated on a high chair inlaid with silver, he entertains the guests, or guards the wife of Agamemnon, his patron and his friend.

Just so does Phemios sing amid the suitors of Penelope. It was not always thus. B entley has to ld us in his pointed way that " poor Homer in those circHm- stances and early times had never such aspiring thoughts" as mankind and everlasting fame ; and that " he wrote a sequel of songs and rhapsodies to be sung by himself for small earnings and good cheer, at festivals, and other days of merriment.

The tro- vadory like the rest of the world, failed under the trials of prosperity. He became the curled darling of kings and nobles, and haggled over prices and salaries in the t rue spirit of "oun -ejninent.

These could not leave Ephraim alone: they too must wed his idols. To pose as a trovador became in certain great houses a family tradition.

Grouped round the commanding figure of the Marques de Santillana stand the rivals of his own house-top : his grandfather, Pedro Gonzdlez de Mendoza ; his father, the Admiral Diego Furtado de Mendoza, a picaroon poet, spiteful, brutal, and witty ; his uncle, Pedro Vdez de Guevara, who turns you a song of roguery or devotion with equal indifference and mastery.

The world entire — tall, short, old, - young, nobles, serfs — did nought but make or hear verses, as that trovador errant, Vidal de Besalu, records.

It may be that Poggio's anecdote of a later time is literally true : that a poor man, absorbed in Hector's story, paid the spouter to adjourn the catastrophe from day to day till, his money being spent, he was forced to hear the end with tears.

With the juglar strolled the primitive actress, the juglaresay mentioned in the Libre del Apolonio, and branded as " infamous " in Alfonso's code of Las Siete Partidas, At the court of Juan II.

So much might be inferred from the introduction and passage of a law forbidding the ordination oi juglares; and, in the Cancioneiro Portuguez da Vaticana No.

The Villasandino, already mentioned, a pert Galician trovador at Juan ll. And in the last decline the executants were blind men who sang before church- doors and in public squares, lacing old ballads with what they were pleased to call "emendations," or, in other words, intruding original banalities of their own.

This decline of material prosperity had a most disastrous effect upon literature. A popular cantar or song was written by a poor man of genius.

More : re- peated by many lips during a long period of years, the form of a very popular cantar manifestly ran the risk of change so radical that within a few generations the original might be transformed in such wise as to be practically lost.

This fate has, in effect, overtaken the great body of early Spanish song. Two considerable cantares de gesta of the Cid survive as fragments, and they owe their lives to a happy accident — the accident of being written down.

They must have had fellows, but probably not an immense number of them, as in France. If the formal cantar de gesta died young, its spirit lived triumphantly in the set chronicle and in the brief romance.

In the chronicle the author aims at closer exactitude and finer detail, in the romance at swifter movement and at greater picturesqueness of artistic incident.

Count William of Poitiers. As the assertion is still made from time to time, it becomes necessary to say that it is unfounded.

It is true that the rude cantar was never forgotten in Spain, and that its persistence partly explains the survival of asso- nance in Castilian long after its abandonment by the rest of Europe.

In his historic letter to Dom Pedro, Constable of Portugal, the Marquds de Santillana speaks with a student's contempt of singers who, "against all order, rule, and rhythm, invent these romances and cantares wherein common lewd fellows do take delight.

The numerous Cancioneros from Baena's time to the appearance of the Romancero General the First Part printed in , with additions in ; the Second Part issued in present a vast collection of admirable lyrics, mostly the work of accomplished courtly versifiers.

They contain very few examples of anything that can be justly called old popular songs. Alonso de Fuentes published in his Libro de los Cuarenta Cantos de Diversas y Peregrinas Historias, and in the following year was issued Lorenzo de Sepiilveda's selection.

Others may be of earlier date ; but it is impossible to identify them, inasmuch as they have been retouched and polished by singers of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

There remains to say a last word on the disputed relation between the early Castilian and French litera- tures. The substitution of the Gallic for the Gothic character in the eleventh century ad- vanced one stage further a process begun by the French adventurers who shared in the reconquest.

With these last came the French jongleurs to teach the Spaniards the gentle art of making the chanson de geste. The very phrase, cantar de gesta, bespeaks its French source.

Another French touch appears in the Poem of Femdn GonzaleZy where the writer speaks of Charlemagne's defeat at Roncesvalles, and laments that the battle was not an encounter with the Moors, in which Bernaldo del Carpio might have scattered them.

But we are not left to conjecture and inference ; the presence of French jongleurs is attested by irrefragable evidence.

Even if they did, this would not explain the literary predominance of France. Charlemagne in Spain ; and Alfonso the Learned bears him out by deriding the songs and fables on these mythic triumphs, since the Emperor " at most conquered somewhat in Cantabria.

And this raises, obviously, a curious question. Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, inclines to believe in their possible existence. All that can be safely said is that Sefior Mendndez y Pelayo's theory is probable enough in itself, that it is presented with great ingenuity, that it is backed by the best authority that opinion can have, and that it is in- capable of proof or disproof in the absence of texts.

But if Spain, unlike Italy, has no authentic poems in an intermediate tongue, proofs of French influence are not lacking in her earliest movements.

Mary of Egypt is so gallicised in idiom that Mild y Fontanals, a ripe scholar and a true-blue Spaniard, was half inclined to think it one of those intermediary productions which are sought in vain.

At every point proofs of French guidance confront us. Snnpy-hnnk in the Vatican, we should probably find that the foreign mHuence was but a few degrees less marked in the one country than in the other.

As it is, Alfonso the Learned ranks with any Portuguese of them all ; and it is reasonable to think that he had fellows whose achievement and names have not reached us.

For Spanish literature and our- selves the loss is grave ; and yet we cannot conceive that there existed in early Castilian any examples com- parable in elaborate lyrical beauty to the cantars d'amigo which the Galician-Portuguese singers borrowed from the French ballettes.

In the first place, if they had existed, it is next to incredible that no example and no tradition of them should survive.

Next, the idea is intrinsically improbable, since the Castilian language was not yet sufficiently ductile for the purpose. Moreover, from the outset there is a counter-current in Castile.

The early Spanish legends are mostly concerned with Spanish subjects. Apart from obvious foreign touches in the early recensions of the story of Bernaldo de Carpio who figures as Charlemagne's nephew , the tone of the ballads is hostile to the French, and, as is natural, the enmity grows more pronounced with time.

Thus, the balladist emphasises the fact that the faithless wife of Garci-Ferndndez is French ; and, again, when Sancho Garcfa's mother, like- wise French, appears in a rojnancey the singer gives her a blackamoor — an Arab — as a lover.

In considering early Spanish verse it behoves us to denote facts and to be chary in drawing inferences. It is not to be assumed that similarity of incident necessarily implies direct imitation.

His presence in the field may be — almost certainly is — an historic event, common enough in days when a militant bishop loved to head a charge ; and the chronicler may well have seen the exploits which he records.

It by no means follows, and it is extravagant to suppose, that the Spanish juglar merely filches from the Chanson de Roland.

That he had heard the Chanson is not only probable, but likely ; it is not, to say the least, a necessary consequence that he annexed an epi- sode as familiar in Spain as elsewhere.

Nothing, if you probe deep enough, is new, and originality is a vain dream. Nor must it be forgotten that from a very early date there are traces of the reflex action of Castilian upon French literature.

They are not, indeed, many ; but they are authentic beyond carping. Borrowed from the East, the story is trans- mitted to the Greeks, is annexed by the Arabs, and is passed on through them to Spain, whence Adenet le Roi conveys it for presentation to the western world.

More directly and more characteristically Spanish in its origin is the royal epic entitled Ansdts de Carthage.

Here, after the manner of your epic poet, chronology is scattered to the winds, and we learn that Charlemagne left in Spain a king who dishonoured the daughter of one of his barons ; hence the invasion by the Arabs, whom the baron lets loose upon his country as avengers.

The basis of the story is purely Spanish, being a some- what clumsy arrangement of the legend of Roderic, Cora, and Count Julian ; the city of Carthage standing, it may be, for the Spanish Cartagena.

Hence it is clear that the mutual literary debt of Spain and France is, at this early stage, unequally divided.

Moliere, the two Corneilles, Rotrou, Sorel, Scarron, and Le Sage, to mention but a few eminent names at hazard, readjust the balance in favour of Spain ; and the inexhaustible resources of the Spanish theatre, which supply the arrangements of scores of minor French dramatists, are but a small part of the literature whose details are our present concern.

These primitive pieces are characterised by a vein of popular, unconscious poetry, with scarce a touch of personal artistry ; and the ascrip- tion which refers one or other of them to an individual writer is, for the most part, arbitrary.

Insufficiency of data makes it impossible to identify the oldest literary performance in Spanish Romance. Jews like Judah ben Samuel the Levite, and trovadores like Rambaud de Vaqueiras, arabesque their verses with Spanish tags and refrains ; but these are whimsies.

Experts differ concerning their respective dates ; but the liturgical derivation of the Misterio inclines one to hold it for the elder of the two.

If Lidforss were right in attributing it to the eleventh century, the play would rank among the first in any modern language.

Amador de los Rfos dates it still further back. As these pretensions are excessive, the known facts may be briefly given.

Both conjectures have proved just. Throughout Europe the Christian theatre derives from the Church, and the early plays are but a lay vernacular rendering of models studied in the sanctuary.

Simplified as the liturgy now is, the Mass itself, the services of Palm Sunday and Good Friday, are the unmistakable cUbris of an elabo- rate sacred drama.

If Hartmann be justified in his contention, that the tradi- tional names of the Magi were not in vogue till after the alleg ed discovery of their remains at M ilan in 11 the Spanish Misterio can be, at best, no oldeFthan the end of the twelfth century.

Enough of it remains to show that the Spanish work- man improved upon his models. He elaborates the dramatic action, quickens the dialogue with newer life, and gives his scene an ampler, a more vivid atmos- phere.

Led by the heavenly star, the three Magi first appear separately, then together ; they celebrate the birth of Christ, whom they seek to adore, at the end of their thirteen days' pilgrimage.

There is even a breath of the critical spirit wholly absent from all other early mysteries, which accept the miraculous sign of the star with a simple, unquestion- ing faith.

In our play, the first and third Magi wish to observe it another night, while the second King would fain watch it for three entire nights.

Lastly, the scale of the Misterio is larger than that of any predecessor ; the personages are not huddled upon the scene at once, but appear in appropriate, dramatic order, delivering more elaborate speeches, and express- ing at greater length more individual emotions.

Important and venerable as is the Misterioj its freer treatment of the liturgy, its effectual blending of realism with devotion, and its swiftness of action are so many arguments against its reputed antiquity.

I It is still old if we adopt the conclusion that it was written some twenty years before the Poenta del Cid. The beginning is lost; a page in the middle, containing some fifty lines following upon verse , has gone astray from our copy ; and the end has been retouched by unskilful fingers.

The original composition is thought to date from about the middle third of the twelfth century , some fifty years after the Cid's death at Valencia in Hence the Poem of the Cid stands almost midway between the Chanson de Roland and the Niebelungenlied.

Nevertheless, in its surviving shape it is the result of innumerable retouches which amount to botching.

Our gratitude to Per Abbat is dashed with regret for his slapdash methods. Still, to Per Abbat we owe the preservation of the Cid cantar as we owe to Sdnchez its issue in , more than half a century before any French chanson de geste was printed.

The Spanish epic. Unquestionably the Cid lived in the flesh : whether or not his alleged achievements occurred is another matter. Irony has incidentally marked him for its own.

Yet two points must be kept in mind": the facts which discredit him are reported by hostile Arab his- torians ; and, again, the Cid is entitled to be judged by the standard of his country and his time.

But there is a fixed intent to place the Spaniard first. The Cid is pictured as more Jiuman than Roland: he releases his prisoners without j ransom ; he gives them money so that they may reach their homes.

The machinery in both cases is very similar. Roland and Ruy Diaz are absolved and exhorted to the same effect, and the resemblance of the epithet curunez applied to the French bishop is too close to the coronado of the Spaniard to be accidental.

But allowing for the fact that the Spanish juglar borrows his framework, his per- formance is great by virtue of its simplicity, its strength, its spirit and fire.

Whether he deals with the hungry loyalty of the Cid in exile, or his reception into favour by an ingrate king ; whether he celebrates the overthrow!

There is an unity of conception and of language which forbids our accepting the Poema as the work of several hands ; and the division of the poem into separate cantares is managed with a discretion which argues a single artistic intelligence.

The first part closes with the marriage of the hero's daughters ; the second with the shame of the Infantes de Carri6n, and the proud an- nouncement that the kings of Spain are sprung from the Cid's loins.

In both the singer rises to the level of his subject, but his chief est gust is in the recital of some brilliant deed of arms. Three hundred lances down they come, their pennons flickering white; Down go three hundred Moors to earth, a man to every blowj And, when they wheel, three hundred more, as charging back they go.

That he knew the French models is evident from his skilful conveyance of the bear episode in Ider to his own pages, where the Cid encoun- ters the beast as a lion.

But the language shows no hint of French influence, and both thought and expression are profoundly national.

The poet's name is irrecover- able, but the internal evidence points strongly to the conclusion that he came from the neighbourhood of Medina Cell.

Against this is the topographical minuteness with which the poet reports the sallies of the Cid in the districts of Castej6n and Alcocer ; his marked ignorance of the country round Zaragoza and Valencia, his detailed description of the central episode — the outrage upon the Cid's daughters in the wood of Corpes, near Berlanga ; and the important fact that the four chief itineraries in the Poema are charged with minutiae from Molina to San Esteban de Gormaz, while they grow vague and more confused as they extend towards Burgos and Valencia.

PiHfU Perhaps the greatest testimony to the early poet's worth is to be found in this : that hTs conceplibri of his hero has outlived the true historic Cid, and has forced the child of his imagination upon the acceptance of mankind.

The composi- tion which bears this clumsy and inappropriate title is better named the Cantar de Rodrigo, and consists of 1 1 25 lines, preceded by a scrap of rugged prose.

Not till after digressions into other episodes, and irrelevant stories of Miro and Bernardo, Bishops of Palencia, pro- bably fellow-townsmen of the compiler, does the Cid appear.

He is no longer, as in the Poema, a popular hero, idealised from historic report ; he is a purely ima- ginary figure, incrusted with a mass of fables accumulated in course of time.

At the age of twelve he slays Gomez G6rmaz an almost impossible style, compounded of a patronymic and the name of a castle belonging to the Cid , is claimed by the dead man's daughter, weds her, vanquishes the Moors, and leads his King's — Fernando's — troops to the gates of Paris, defeating the Count of Savoy upon the road.

One legend is heaped upon another, and the poem, the end of which is lost, breaks off with the Pope's request for a year's truce, which Fernando, acting as ever upon the Cid's advice, mag- nanimously extends for twelve years.

It is hard to say whether the Cantar de Rodrigo as we have it is the production of a single composer, or whether it is a patchwork by dijfferent hands, arranged from earlier poems, and eked out by prose stories and by oral tradi- tions.

The versification is that of the simple sixteen- syllabled line, each hemistich of which forms a typical romance line.

Much of the obscurity of language, which has been mistaken for archaism, is simply due to the defects of the manuscript ; and the evidence goes to show that the RodrigOy put together in the last decade of the twelfth century or the first of the thirteenth, was retouched in the fourteenth by Spanish juglares humili- ated by the recent French invasions.

The nameless Spanish arranger of the thirteenth century probably a native of Arag6n gives the story of Apollonius' adventures with force and clearness, anticipating in the character of Tarsiana the type of Preciosa, the heroine of Cervantes' Gitanilla and of Weber's opera.

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